Document Type : Research Paper

Authors

yazd university

10.22059/jwdp.2025.392665.1008528

Abstract

Introduction

The increasing incarceration of women across the globe has prompted a significant shift in how criminologists, sociologists, and policymakers conceptualize female criminality. Although women comprise less than 15% of the incarcerated population worldwide, the number of female prisoners has increased disproportionately compared to men—rising by more than 50% since the year 2000. This phenomenon is particularly alarming in contexts where traditional gender norms and familial expectations dominate, and where women’s deviation from prescribed social roles is met with intensified social sanctions. Imprisonment, for women, often entails more than legal punishment—it entails moral condemnation, social ostracism, identity erosion, and the disruption of key roles such as motherhood and caregiving.

This study focuses on the lived experiences of incarcerated women in Yazd, a culturally conservative city in central Iran. In such settings, women’s imprisonment is not merely a legal issue but a profound violation of social expectations, leading to deeper forms of stigma and exclusion. The study aims to explore, through a grounded theory approach, the processes through which these women enter into crime, the structural and emotional forces that perpetuate their criminal behavior, and the strategies they adopt to survive and make sense of their experiences. By doing so, the study attempts to bridge the gap between theory and the actual voices of women affected by incarceration.

Methodology

The research employed a qualitative method based on the systematic grounded theory framework proposed by Strauss and Corbin. The study was conducted in the female ward of the central prison in Yazd. Twenty-one women inmates were selected based on purposive and theoretical sampling, ensuring diversity in age (ranging from 19 to 65), educational background, marital status, number of children, and the type of crime committed (mostly drug-related offenses, document forgery, and financial fraud).

Data collection was carried out using semi-structured and in-depth interviews, conducted within the prison premises. Due to security regulations, audio recordings were not allowed. Instead, the researcher transcribed interviews in real-time and later expanded them into full texts. The interview questions were open-ended and designed to elicit deep reflection on life before and after incarceration, the causes of crime, emotional and social consequences, and personal coping mechanisms.

Data analysis followed the three-step coding process typical of grounded theory:

Open coding – breaking down raw data into discrete concepts and categories;

Axial coding – identifying relationships among categories and subcategories;

Selective coding – developing a core category that integrates all themes.

To ensure trustworthiness, three validation techniques were used: (1) participant validation through feedback on interview summaries; (2) comparison of emerging codes with raw transcripts to verify consistency; and (3) peer review of coding with a research colleague to ensure intercoder reliability.

The research followed strict ethical protocols: informed consent was obtained from all participants; anonymity was maintained through pseudonyms; and the right to withdraw at any time was guaranteed. The interviews were held in a private space within the prison, and special care was taken to create a respectful, nonjudgmental environment.

Findings

The central phenomenon that emerged from the analysis was the concept of “living in the cycle of structural deviance.” This refers to a recurrent pattern of exclusion, marginalization, and criminalization that the women experienced both before and after incarceration. Their narratives revealed a complex interaction of causal, contextual, and intervening factors:

Causal factors included exposure to deviant subcultures, growing up in criminalized families, and experiencing emotional crises such as domestic violence, childhood neglect, or betrayal by partners. Many of the women had limited or no control over their life choices, often coerced or manipulated into illegal activities by male relatives or partners.

Contextual factors revolved around emotional vulnerability, impulsive decisions, and lack of skills or education. Women frequently reported committing crimes such as drug transportation or taking legal blame to protect a loved one—acts rooted in emotional entanglement rather than criminal intent.

Intervening conditions included economic hardship, social stigma, gender-based educational deprivation, and cultural restrictions. These factors collectively reinforced women's exclusion from legal economic opportunities, pushing them toward survival-based illegality.

The consequences of these experiences were articulated in three key categories:

Defensive isolation – a conscious decision to retreat from social interactions to avoid humiliation, gossip, and stigma.

Psychological erosion – chronic mental health problems including depression, anxiety, hopelessness, and self-harm tendencies.

Suspended identity – the feeling of being stuck between one's past self and a socially rejected label as an “ex-convict.” Many women concealed their imprisonment even from family members.

In response, the women employed a set of survival strategies that helped them cope:

Identity reconstruction: seeking to redefine themselves through behavioral change, community engagement, or reframing of personal narratives.

Spiritual renewal: engaging in religious rituals, prayer, and trust in divine justice as a source of psychological stability.

Emotional purification: using crying, storytelling, and expressions of pain to release internal tensions, often in group or therapeutic settings within the prison.

This culminated in a paradigmatic model illustrating how structural deviance is produced and reproduced in the lives of marginalized women. The model shows that crime is not a simple individual act but a consequence of multiple layers of disadvantage and trauma, compounded by punitive social reactions.

Conclusion

This research highlights that female criminality, particularly in conservative contexts like Yazd, is best understood as a socially constructed outcome of structural inequality, emotional deprivation, and systemic exclusion. The findings align with established theories:

Hirschi’s Social Bond Theory explains the weak attachment of these women to conventional social institutions like school or family.

Cloward and Ohlin’s Differential Opportunity Theory shows how lack of access to legitimate means of advancement pushes individuals toward illegitimate alternatives.

Goffman’s Stigma Theory helps explain how being labeled a criminal reinforces exclusion and inhibits reentry into normal social life.

This study complements global literature that portrays incarcerated women not primarily as criminals, but as victims of intersecting vulnerabilities: poverty, gender oppression, broken families, and systemic neglect. Consistent with studies by Bright et al. (2023), Bucerius & Sandberg (2022), Parry (2021), and Gueta & Chen (2016), the participants' experiences reflect how crime becomes an almost inevitable route for survival when no other options exist.

To address these issues, the study recommends:

Creating holistic rehabilitation programs focused on trauma recovery, parenting, vocational skills, and emotional health;

Promoting community-based alternatives to incarceration for non-violent female offenders;

Supporting post-release reentry services including housing, job placement, and legal aid;

Implementing anti-stigma public education campaigns to enable social reintegration;

Reforming sentencing laws to incorporate restorative justice principles and gender sensitivity.

Ultimately, the lived experiences of incarcerated women in Yazd point toward a broader need for structural transformation in how societies respond to female deviance. Instead of punitive exclusion, the focus must shift to restorative inclusion, enabling these women to rebuild their lives with dignity and autonomy.

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