Ghasem Zaeri; Fatemeh Yusefinejad
Abstract
This article analyzes the role of "hijab" in the orientation of active political and social forces in the movement of nationalizing the oil industry in the late twentieth decade (1941-1951). The community in the twentieth century, and especially the evolutions of the late decade, is influenced by two ...
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This article analyzes the role of "hijab" in the orientation of active political and social forces in the movement of nationalizing the oil industry in the late twentieth decade (1941-1951). The community in the twentieth century, and especially the evolutions of the late decade, is influenced by two categories of international and national trends: The first is the "colonial turn", and the emergence of a new world order after World War II, as well as the Islamic revival as a result of the decline of national monarchies in Islamic countries. The second is the revival of the repressed social and political forces after Reza Khan's ouster, and the revision of the political and social strategies of the modern nationalist forces to overcome the crisis of legitimacy resulted from Reza Khan's authoritarian nationalism. The article will indicate how the issues of women have evolved amid the controversy over oil and elections in the evolutions of the last decade. This will explain three strategies for the issue of hijab among political and social forces. The strategiies are political ignorance of hijab, the strategy of social ineffectiveness of hijab, and the strategy of obligating hijab. In this article, the sources and positions of the National Front of Iran, the Tudeh Party of Iran, the Islamic Mojahedin Society and the Jamiat Fadaiyan-e-Islam have been referred as the first-hand historical and oral history sources.
Sociology
Ghasem Zaeri; fatemeh yusefinejad
Abstract
Abstract The policy of Compulsory "Unveiling" was implemented in January 1936 (Dāy 1314) as the official policy of the First Pahlavi Regime, and accordingly, women were forced to unveil by the police force. In September 1943, during the Second Pahlavi era, the government ordered to eliminate the term ...
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Abstract The policy of Compulsory "Unveiling" was implemented in January 1936 (Dāy 1314) as the official policy of the First Pahlavi Regime, and accordingly, women were forced to unveil by the police force. In September 1943, during the Second Pahlavi era, the government ordered to eliminate the term "compulsory" in this policy. This article is studying the resistance of social actors, in particular women's agency, to the implementation of this law and will show that in three main periods, from 1927 to 1935, and from 1935 to 1941, and from 1941 to 1943, three different forms of resistance against unveiling has been formed. The beginning of World War II in 1939 and the occupation of Iran by the Allies in 1941 are the most important structural changes that have provided context for action of social actors. The Second Pahlavi required that the clergy (Ulamā) support his monarchy or at least they do not disagree with it. This is another important change that helps the institutional revival of the clergy as an important power in topic of hijab. The article will show that there is no uniform and planned process in confronting women with "Unveiling" whereas this is resulted from the historical and social dispersed forces which provides the context for "Return to Hijab" in 1943. Women pursue a set of strategies against the policy of unveiling such as positive resistance and innovation in clothing design, negative resistance and physical conflict with police officers, immigration, staying at home and social deprivation, as well as petitioning for legal authorities. During the course of this resistance and return, the next discourse of hijab is formed such as "Hijab as Freedom" or the responsibility of the government to promote hijab. The Foucault method of analyzing historical trends, and first-hand documents, and official reports of the police and the Ministry of Interior, and oral history at the aforementioned time periods has been used in this paper.
Ghasem Zaeri
Abstract
This article investigates the possibility context of the unveiling genesis (taking off the Hijab, i. e. the Islamic veil) in Iran and elucidates the dynamics possibility of the first attempt to unveil. An archaeological method of Foucaultian approach is adopted to reach this goal. The article demonstrates ...
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This article investigates the possibility context of the unveiling genesis (taking off the Hijab, i. e. the Islamic veil) in Iran and elucidates the dynamics possibility of the first attempt to unveil. An archaeological method of Foucaultian approach is adopted to reach this goal. The article demonstrates that “unveiling” is one of the implications of modernity and should be considered in light of the distinction between “Native Modernity” and “Western Modernity”. Therefore, despite the common narrative, we cannot think of the time when Ghorrat-alein bābi attended Badasht meeting with her veil taken off in 1852 the starting point of the unveiling in Iran while the native modernity with its arrangements was in an outstanding stage of its authority. Moreover, Ghorrat-alein’s style of argumentation entirely belongs to traditional texture. the unveility developed only in an advanced stage of western modernity with its consolidated arrangements and lively dynamics in Iran. Historically, it occurred in 1927 when Sediqeh Dowlat-abādi took her veil off roaming in the streets. Dowlat-abādi’s maneuver lay in a sequence of internal and international relations supported and empowered by the “modern state” of Rezakhan namely the influence of modernization in Afghanistan and Turkey, inclination to gain international prestige in the end of the World War I and the nationalistic strategy of education of women. Although Dowlat-abādi herself was initially under the influence of modern relations that emerged in the realm of education within the “underdevelopment discourse” since the time of Sepah-salār and especially the Constitutional Revolution, later she turned to be a proponent of a new discourse for promoting unveiling and defining women’s rights and tended toward some type of “maternal feminism” derived from common arguments of religious modernism under the influence of the feministic trends between the two World Wars.
Qaesm Zaeri
Abstract
Feminist thought has always challenged the Islamic viewpoint. A majority of feminists believe that ‘family,’ is a source of oppression against women, and is essentially, the main way of reproducing male dominance. Part of the feminist argumentation, highlights itself through the form of criticism ...
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Feminist thought has always challenged the Islamic viewpoint. A majority of feminists believe that ‘family,’ is a source of oppression against women, and is essentially, the main way of reproducing male dominance. Part of the feminist argumentation, highlights itself through the form of criticism of Western political customs, especially in the liberal debate of ‘public order’. In this debate, liberal theorists treat the ‘family’ as a part of a ‘personal sphere’ or a ‘strictly private area,’ and thus, by taking this stance, drive it out from the attention of public debate and legislation; the result of which, being that it leads to the perfect breeding ground for male dominance and for the fostering of unfair relations.This paper, reviewing the aforementioned standpoint, illustrates that ‘family’, has been subject to legislation in Muslim society since the emergence of Islam, and an abundance of rules and laws have been created in order to establish healthy and just relations and protect women's rights. Indeed, from the viewpoint of Islam, the family structure has been created on the basis of affection, and specific rules have been formed for regulating this important establishment.
Hoseyn Kachoeiyan; Ghasem Zaeri
Volume 9, Issue 2 , September 2011, , Pages 7-35
Abstract
In this study, one basic question will be answered: Why were women officially considered being the subject of policy making decisions in Reza Khan Era? The answer should be found in the particular logic of the discourse of that time which was “Archeological Nationalism”. The discourse is based on ...
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In this study, one basic question will be answered: Why were women officially considered being the subject of policy making decisions in Reza Khan Era? The answer should be found in the particular logic of the discourse of that time which was “Archeological Nationalism”. The discourse is based on racist theory and understands social and cultural issues on the same basis. During the gap emerged between Constitutional Revolution and failure of the regime evolved by that revolution and the time Reza Khan took the throne, the belief based on the strategy of bright autocracy was built up among political elite and nationalist social forces that the strategy of developing and rebuilding the society of Iran is the reform in Iranian people’s corrupt nature. It is clear that in the framework of archeological nationalism changing the nature of Iranians was not possible except through racial purification. Marriage is the core of the strategy and women as one of the parties in marriage, as a person who gives birth to babies and as a mother who brings up the new Iranian generation had a particular place among ancient nationalists. For this very reason women were the main addressees of social policy making of the government and the elite nationalists with “Hijab Removal” as the most prominent policy.
