Political sciences
hakem ghasemi; Golsoumeh Mohammadrzai
Abstract
Introduction:The income index is insufficient for examining poverty, especially for marginalized groups who have less access to resources. Access to welfare, educational, and health facilities and the inability to participate in formal political activism are considered multidimensional poverty indicators. ...
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Introduction:The income index is insufficient for examining poverty, especially for marginalized groups who have less access to resources. Access to welfare, educational, and health facilities and the inability to participate in formal political activism are considered multidimensional poverty indicators. Women, especially rural women, have less participation in formal political activism, which is influenced by gender stereotypes and multidimensional poverty.Multidimensional poverty, along with institutional and structural shortcomings in political activism for women, particularly in rural and marginalized communities, necessitates informal political activism strategies. Informal political activism takes place in marginalized communities and by marginalized groups based on the realities and necessities of life. Depending on the background and opportunities available, it is sometimes used innovatively by marginalized groups to demand, influence, and change policies.The phenomenon of migration from rural to urban areas is also a consequence of multidimensional poverty and has sometimes exacerbated it in rural areas. This has resulted in changes in the demographic structure of rural areas, aging of the workforce, and seasonal residency in rural areas. Multiplication of women's work and the necessity of independent living, class gaps in rural areas, population growth in rural areas in spring and summer, water tensions, and unequal use of water resources are consequences of migration from rural to urban areas.Deprivation in the surrounding villages of Mashhad has also led to widespread migration to large cities, especially Tehran. Some villages are uninhabited, while others have become devoid of young labor force and have turned into seasonal settlements. The women of Naghdi Aliya village who protested against water problems in Ordibehesht 1400 were in such a social context as water carriers.In addition to the lack of access to water resources due to inadequate storage in the Sefidab Dam and inadequate use by villagers, the lack of proper transfer of water problems through rural institutions such as the Village Council and the Village Headman has led to women's weariness from carrying water and their subsequent protest by closing the road. The filming and broadcasting of the protest on the eve of the elections in opposition media also turned it into a political protest, which was met with a quick response from officials.The aim of this research is to investigate the impact of multidimensional poverty on the limitations of formal political activism for rural women and to drive them towards informal political activism strategies and their consequences through a case study of the protest of Naghdi Aliya village women against drinking water problems in 1400.Quantitative research has been conducted in the field of multidimensional poverty and its relationship with political participation, especially in Iran, but in general, several articles can be mentioned.Hasani Mahoozi (2015) in an article entitled "Gender and Spatial Inequality of Multidimensional Poverty in Iran" examines the frequency, severity, and inequality of poverty among different gender and spatial subgroups in Iranian society and estimates multidimensional poverty in Iran using the statistical approach of Sen's capability. It shows that female-headed households and rural households are severely deprived compared to male-headed and urban households.Ali Akbar Barati et al. (1400) also examined multidimensional poverty at the level of counties, provinces, and the country in an article entitled "Analysis of Multidimensional Poverty in Iranian Rural Communities" using the concept of multidimensional poverty. They showed that multidimensional poverty had the largest share in education, welfare, and health in rural communities in Iran and was influenced by climatic factors as well as economic and social factors.Atena Vatan-Khah and Maryam Ghasemi (1398) also demonstrated the positive and negative effects of young men's migration from villages on remaining women in rural areas in an article entitled "Investigating the Consequences of Men's Migration on the Status of Remaining Women in Rural Areas," with a focus on a case study in Mashhad. They emphasized that migration had a gendered trend and showed the positive and negative effects of young men's migration from villages on remaining women in economic and social areas, concluding that daily migration of men has more positive effects.Research Method:The data collection method was through rural observation, semi-structured individual interviews with 20 women protesting against the water problem, and group interviews with 15 women who continued to protest. The research method was based on institutional ethnography, and institutional texts, including executive guidelines, government news, protest footage, and texts produced in virtual space were also examined. The interview data was analyzed using thematic analysis and an emic approach to understand the internal experience of rural women's lives.Research Findings:The multidimensional poverty in terms of access to safe drinking water, young men's migration from rural areas to cities, seasonal population growth, feminization, and aging of rural settlements, as well as the lack of institutional mechanisms for transferring protests in the lived experience of rural women in Naghdi Aliya, shows that the film of women's protest against the water problem as a textual institution has emerged from the local reality and context of rural women.However, on a larger scale, it has turned into a political issue and has been represented as a conscious political action with group coherence. In this regard, local officials have also understood it as a reservoir against enemies, so that although the water problem in the village was quickly addressed, incomplete and unplanned water supply has still caused the sustainability of the water problem and exacerbated the conflict between the upstream and downstream of the village.Traditional institutional relationships in the village and family also stigmatized women's actions, but women expressed their rights as a matter of religious value by resorting to religious texts and organized themselves. Furthermore, awareness of the power of collective action has deepened and continued in women.Conclusion:Social groups resort to various strategies and methods to express their demands and meet their needs from the power institutions and engage in political activism. If they have access to official and legal channels, they use them for political participation and officially manifest their political activism. Otherwise, in cases where the establishment and utilization of official institutions for participation are not possible, they turn to informal activism. Engaging* in informal activism is mainly protest-oriented and usually accompanied by innovative and creative aspects. These two characteristics challenge the power institutions when facing them. Because being protest-oriented leads to violence, and being innovative makes any action context-dependent and restricts official institutions from using past experiences to confront them. This can lead to the use of inappropriate methods in dealing with informal activism and also push them towards violence. Therefore, it is essential to strengthen official institutions to respond to demands and needs and provide the necessary mechanisms for formal activism for social groups, including women affected by multidimensional poverty, so that social group activism can be directed towards official channels and not turn into a pattern of informal activism. In this way, non-formal activism will be less challenging for governments.
Sociology
hossein daneshmehr; ameer khodakaram alzandi; kurda ahmad mahmood
Abstract
The current research is following the narrative of women activists about the role and position of women in changing the social structure of the Kurdistan region. By describing the structural changes in the social and political context of the Kurdistan region, this article analyzes the factors affecting ...
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The current research is following the narrative of women activists about the role and position of women in changing the social structure of the Kurdistan region. By describing the structural changes in the social and political context of the Kurdistan region, this article analyzes the factors affecting the role and position of women in these changes. Therefore, by using the theories of socialist feminists, especially the theory of mutual reinforcement of capitalism and patriarchy from Hartman and Eisenstein, as well as Sharabi's theories, and his concept of new masculinity, to explain the state of structural changes in the Kurdistan region and the role and position of women. These changes are discussed. This research is in the tradition of qualitative method and narrative analysis and below it, narrative interview have been used. For this purpose, the "semi-structured" interview strategy and targeted and homogeneous sampling have been adopted to interview eighteen people active in the associations. The data were interpreted and analyzed in the form of 11 primary themes and 5 secondary themes. The results showed that changes in the social structure took place after 1991 AD, that is, the time of independence of the Kurdistan region, and as a result, the role and status of women has also changed. From that time until now, political parties have looked at women's issues in the framework of party goals, following women's demands and associations. Despite the dominance of parties and the dominance of patriarchal culture, women have been able to gain their place in this structure by participating and occupying managerial and political positions, and in this, the role of education and media as well as associations are important. And it has been effective. Finally, these factors will enhance the role and status of women, reduce social and cultural harms, and create their role in associations, management and political positions, which has made it possible for them to continue structural changes.The current research is following the narrative of women activists about the role and position of women in changing the social structure of the Kurdistan region. By describing the structural changes in the social and political context of the Kurdistan region, this article analyzes the factors affecting the role and position of women in these changes. Therefore, by using the theories of socialist feminists, especially the theory of mutual reinforcement of capitalism and patriarchy from Hartman and Eisenstein, as well as Sharabi's theories, and his concept of new masculinity, to explain the state of structural changes in the Kurdistan region and the role and position of women. These changes are discussed. This research is in the tradition of qualitative method and narrative analysis and below it, narrative interview have been used. For this purpose, the "semi-structured" interview strategy and targeted and homogeneous sampling have been adopted to interview eighteen people active in the associations. The data were interpreted and analyzed in the form of 11 primary themes and 5 secondary themes. The results showed that changes in the social structure took place after 1991 AD, that is, the time of independence of the Kurdistan region, and as a result, the role and status of women has also changed. From that time until now, political parties have looked at women's issues in the framework of party goals, following women's demands and associations. Despite the dominance of parties and the dominance of patriarchal culture, women have been able to gain their place in this structure by participating and occupying managerial and political positions, and in this, the role of education and media as well as associations are important. And it has been effective. Finally, these factors will enhance the role and status of women, reduce social and cultural harms, and create their role in associations, management and political positions, which has made it possible for them to continue structural changes.The current research is following the narrative of women activists about the role and position of women in changing the social structure of the Kurdistan region. , to explain the state of structural changes in the Kurdistan region and the role and position of women. These changes are discussed. This research is in the tradition of qualitative method and narrative analysis and below it, narrative interview have been used. For this purpose, the "semi-structured" interview strategy and targeted and homogeneous sampling have been adopted to interview eighteen people active in the associations. The data were interpreted and analyzed in the form of 11 primary themes and 5 secondary themes. The results showed that changes in the social structure took place after 1991 AD, that is, the time of independence of the Kurdistan region, and as a result, the role and status of women has also changed. From that time until now, political parties have looked at women's issues in the framework of party goals, following women's demands and associations. Despite the dominance of parties and the dominance of patriarchal culture, women have been able to gain their place in this structure by participating and occupying managerial and political positions, and in this, the role of education and media as well as associations are important. And it has been effective. Finally, these factors will enhance the role and status of women, reduce social and cultural harms, and create their role in associations, management and political positions, which has made it possible for them to continue structural changes.The current research is following the narrative of women activists about the role and position of women in changing the social structure of the Kurdistan region. By describing the structural changes in the social and political context of the Kurdistan region, this article analyzes the factors affecting the role and position of women in these changes. Therefore, by using the theories of socialist feminists, especially the theory of mutual reinforcement of capitalism and patriarchy from Hartman and Eisenstein, as well as Sharabi's theories, and his concept of new masculinity, to explain the state of structural changes in the Kurdistan region and the role and position of women. These changes are discussed. This research is in the tradition of qualitative method and narrative analysis and below it, narrative interview have been used. For this purpose, the "semi-structured" interview strategy and targeted and homogeneous sampling have been adopted to interview eighteen people active in the associations. The data were interpreted and analyzed in the form of 11 primary themes and 5 secondary themes. The results showed that changes in the social structure took place after 1991 AD, that is, the time of independence of the Kurdistan region, and as a result, the role and status of women has also changed. From that time until now, political parties have looked at women's issues in the framework of party goals, following women's demands and associations. Despite the dominance of parties and the dominance of patriarchal culture, women have been able to gain their place in this structure by participating and occupying managerial and political positions, and in this, the role of education and media as well as associations are important. And it has been effective. .
economics
Pedram Mohammad Hassan; Ali Reza Oryoie
Abstract
IntroductionSince the 1980s, researchers have adopted an approach to studying inequality, analyzing how various roots such as gender, socioeconomic class, religion, race, and ethnicity interact and intersect rather than examining them separately. This method of analyzing inequality is called the Intersectionality ...
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IntroductionSince the 1980s, researchers have adopted an approach to studying inequality, analyzing how various roots such as gender, socioeconomic class, religion, race, and ethnicity interact and intersect rather than examining them separately. This method of analyzing inequality is called the Intersectionality Approach. Intersectionality recognizes that individuals hold multiple, intersecting social identities that cannot be examined in isolation. For example, a person is not just a woman or just Black, but a Black woman, whose experiences are shaped by both race and gender simultaneously. The metaphor of the term “intersection” was first used by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, who stated that white women and black women would experience gender inequality differently in society. Understanding black women’s history and social status should enable us to perceive and seek other similar situations in which systems of oppression and discrimination are gathered. Therefore, the Intersectionality Approach emphasizes that the effectiveness of each identity classification (e.g., race, ethnicity, nationality, social class, gender, sexual orientation, religion, etc.) on a person’s life cannot be differentiated from other identity classifications. In other words, all of those identities are interconnected in simultaneous interactions forming a person’s experience of inequality in society. Many intersectionality-based studies have focused more on gender and racial identities among a wide range of identities. Since ethnic identity is more important than racial identity in Iranian society, we will focus on people’s gender and ethnic identities in this study. Therefore, this study investigates the impact of the intersection of gender and ethnicity on income inequality in Iran.MethodologyWe use data from two sources: 1) The Household Expenditure and Income Surveys (HEIS) collected by the Statistical Center of Iran during 2016–2020. The dependent variable is the natural logarithm of an individual’s total gross annual income, and the dependent variables are age, years of education, residence (urban areas or rural areas), marital status, employment status, household income status, ethnicity, gender, and the interaction of gender and ethnicity. 2) The data from the National Survey of the Consumption of Cultural Goods (2019) and Surveying the Country’s Public Culture Indicators (2010) are used to develop the variable of ethnicity. The specific locations of various ethnic groups in Iran and their migration patterns over time are not currently documented. Nevertheless, one's place of residence can serve as an indicator for identifying their ethnicity. In Iran, each ethnicity is defined by its unique language and region of residence, making these along with cultural factors the main distinguishing features of ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the precise borders of ethnic groups do not perfectly match provincial borders, and knowing a person’s region of residence cannot help accurately predict what ethnic group they belong to. Additionally, many of the ethnic groups in Iran account for a low percentage of the total population. Since women are represented by a lower percentage of data than men, we classify the variable of ethnicity under two categories: the Fars category (including the Fars ethnicity) and the non-Fars category (including Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Baluchs, Lors, Turkmans, Mazanis and Gilaks). In this study, Ordinary least squares (OLS) (which focuses on the relationship at the mean point of the distribution) and quantile regression (which focuses on the relationship at various points of the distribution) are used for statistical analysis through both cross-sections and pooled data. The intersection of gender and ethnicity is then added to the research model to analyze the effect of ethnicity on the gender income gap in Iran while adding gender and ethnicity to the model separately.FindingsOur findings, based on OLS and Quantile Regressions, reveal a persistent gender income gap across all income percentiles and ethnicities, with women consistently earning less than men. Additionally, regardless of ethnicity, the gender income gap is the largest for women in the lowest income percentiles and smallest in the middle percentiles. Furthermore, the interaction term between gender (being female) and ethnicity (being non-Fars) is significant and negative for both low and high-income groups. This suggests that being non-Fars exacerbates the gender income gap for women, regardless of income level. Our results highlight the importance of considering intersectionality when formulating policies. Policies aimed solely at reducing the gender income gap might be ineffective unless they acknowledge the diversity of ethnicities within a society. We observed a statistically significant interaction effect for middle and high-income groups in 2016, 2017, and 2018. This effect, however, became statistically non-significant in 2019 and 2020.ConclusionThe Intersectionality Approach is a framework for identifying and elucidating the complexities that humans experience in their personal and social lives. This approach analyzes the interconnection of various forms of inequality and relevant effects on a person’s life experience. As per the research findings, the gender income gap was observed in all percentiles and all ethnicities. Regardless of ethnicity, the gender income gap is the largest for women in the lowest income percentiles and smallest in the middle percentiles. Furthermore, for both low and high-income groups being non-Fars exacerbates the gender income gap for women. The Intersectionality Approach is an appropriate tool for improving the quality of decisions made by policymakers. Our results highlight the importance of considering intersectionality when formulating policies. Policies aimed solely at reducing the gender income gap might be ineffective unless they acknowledge the diversity of ethnicities within a society. Some intersectionality-based policies are proposed as follows: Strengthen and enforce policies that prohibit discrimination in hiring, promotions, and workplace practices, including specific provisions to protect women of diverse ethnic backgrounds. considering non-Fars women’s special needs and situations while formulating and implementing gender equality policies; investing in economic and educational empowerment plans for non-Fars women; supporting non-Fars women’s entrepreneurship; eradicating the sociocultural obstacles that challenge non-Fars women in the labor market; considering women’s status on different income levels while formulating gender equality policies; providing female-headed households with further social and financial aids; and providing childcare plans for working women in lower income deciles. Making sure that the composition of legislative bodies and political institutions mirrors the diversity found within the population; advocating for policies that cater to the requirements of marginalized groups.
Vahid Feizkhah; Mehrnaz Molavi
Abstract
IntroductionIn Iran, there is a clear need for urban spaces for women that are aligned with the civic needs of citizens in their daily urban life. Many Iranian cities, especially metropolitan areas, have become black holes; meaning that they swallow a large part of the capital but are ultimately unable ...
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IntroductionIn Iran, there is a clear need for urban spaces for women that are aligned with the civic needs of citizens in their daily urban life. Many Iranian cities, especially metropolitan areas, have become black holes; meaning that they swallow a large part of the capital but are ultimately unable to even provide a desirable living environment for women (Bayat, 2016). Urban space is a medium for the manifestation of social interactions and the expression of the cultural, political and ideological characteristics of each society, the core of which is shaped according to concepts such as social cohesion and equal access for citizens, including various minorities, to resources. Urban space does not only refer to the built environment, but is also the product of social actions that takes on meaning through human interactions and activities in space; therefore, one or more specific social groups, with their continuous, dominant and tangible presence in the urban space, can gradually inject specific physical and functional characteristics into it and ultimately lead to the emergence of forms of control, exclusion and deprivation of other social groups in it. One of the most prominent examples of spatial domination is gendering space based on the traditional view that the private sphere belongs to women and the public sphere belongs to men. This is a common phenomenon in patriarchal societies around the world and has continued from the past to the present. Although the intensity and extent of the gendering of urban spaces has decreased compared to the past, it still exists in various forms and levels, an undeniable tangible manifestation of social, gender and spatial inequalities (Fanni & Ahmadi, 1399).Theoretical FrameworkHenri Lefebvre, a well-known theorist and initiator of the right to the city theory, considers it a collective right for all citizens from all groups, beyond hierarchical and limiting identities such as citizenship, ethnicity, gender and social class. This right goes beyond mere access to urban facilities. It requires the inclusion of features and characteristics in the city that enhance the quality of life and address the diverse needs of all citizens (Fenster, 2006). This research, by applying the theoretical framework of Henri Lefebvre's right to the city theory and adopting a qualitative approach in methodology, tries to provide, in addition to assessing the indicators of this theory in the context of Rasht city, the necessary criteria and components for achieving a gender-inclusive city in the spatial context of Rasht city using the thematic analysis method. The main objectives of this research include identifying the components and criteria of a gender-inclusive city based on the right to the city theory and then developing a thematic map to achieve a gender-inclusive city in Rasht city.MethodologyThis research is a qualitative research that has been conducted using a case study approach. The case study is the city of Rasht, the center of Gilan province. The data collection method in this research is a combination of library research and field research. Library research was used to collect theoretical information and background information about the research topic. Field research was conducted to collect data from the research environment. The field research tools used in this research include interviews, observation and questionnaires. Interviews were conducted with experts in the fields of urban planning, architecture, sociology and women's studies. Observation was carried out in different parts of the city of Rasht to identify the characteristics of the urban space and its gendered aspects. Questionnaires were distributed among women in the city of Rasht to collect their views on the characteristics of a gender-inclusive city.Findings"After analyzing the conducted interviews and extracting sub-themes, these sub-themes were categorized based on their main themes in the first step. The result was the identification of ten main themes: support, empowerment, monitoring, spatial appropriation, spatial control, accessibility, comfort, social motivation, gender equality, and social inclusion. In the next stage, the main themes were analyzed and categorized, and it was concluded from the interviewees' perspectives that there are four main components for achieving gender-inclusive urban spaces. After analyzing the interviews, the researchers found ten main themes related to gender inclusivity in urban spaces. These ten themes were grouped into four broader categories:• Security: This includes feelings of safety and protection in public spaces.• Environmental Characteristics of Space: This relates to the physical features of the space, such as design, accessibility, and comfort.• Social Characteristics of Space: This refers to the social interactions and activities that take place in the space, including issues of control and power.• Culture of Gender Equality: This encompasses broader societal attitudes and norms related to gender equality.Each of these four main categories can be further broken down into more specific sub-themes. Essentially, the research shows that creating gender-inclusive cities requires a focus on safety, the physical environment, social interactions, and a broader cultural shift towards gender equality.RecommendationsBased on the findings of this research, a number of recommendations are made to improve the gendered urban space in the city of Rasht. These recommendations include:• Networking and institutionalization to support women's activities • Efforts to increase women's share in decision-making and power • Empowering women for Risk Management • Strengthening formal and public survilliance of urban spaces • Recognizing urban spaces with predominantly female dominance • Advocating for reforms to judicial laws that protect women's rights• Creating urban spaces that are suitable for the activities that women want to do• Increasing the participation of women in the decision-making process related to urban planning and design.• Raising awareness of gender issues among urban planners, designers and decision-makers.ConclusionThe achievement of a gender-inclusive city in Rasht city necessitates a comprehensive approach encompassing both spatial and non-spatial measures. Spatial measures involve evaluating and establishing policies for the physical characteristics, design, and management of spaces. Non-spatial measures focus on social, economic, political, legal, and cultural aspects, requiring separate research for comprehensive understanding and analysis. This research distinguishes itself from previous studies by employing a qualitative approach to analyze the right to the city and emphasizing all dimensions of urban space gendering. The interview design ensures comprehensiveness, and the selection of interviewees encompasses a wide range of experts. This research endeavors to fill a gap in the existing literature by adopting a comprehensive and multi-dimensional approach. Through an interdisciplinary analysis of cultural, social, economic, physical, institutional, and legal dimensions, this study seeks to gain a deeper understanding of how gender inequalities are formed and perpetuated in urban spaces. By analyzing qualitative data and actively engaging with experts, this research aims to identify the barriers hindering the achievement of gender equality in urban environments and to propose practical solutions for creating inclusive, equitable, and accessible urban spaces for all.
Women's Studies
MOHAMMAD JAVAD NAJAFI; yahya Bouzarinejad
Abstract
IntroductionThe Prophet of Islam (PBUH) brought about a fundamental transformation in the status of women during his time of prophecy and governance, granting them a new dignity based on the teachings of the Quran. Women, who had been deprived of basic rights during the pre-Islamic era, entered various ...
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IntroductionThe Prophet of Islam (PBUH) brought about a fundamental transformation in the status of women during his time of prophecy and governance, granting them a new dignity based on the teachings of the Quran. Women, who had been deprived of basic rights during the pre-Islamic era, entered various social, familial, and even political arenas under the guidance of Islamic teachings. However, following the passing of the Prophet (PBUH) and the rise of the three caliphs, this trend reversed, leading to the marginalization and weakening of women's status. During this period, some pre-Islamic traditions resurfaced within governmental behaviors, resulting in a decline in women's participation in social and political matters.With the advent of Imam Ali's (PBUH) caliphate, a reformative approach emerged in the political and social spheres. Imam Ali (PBUH) endeavored to restore the neglected status of women and, by abolishing the prevalent innovations of the previous caliphs, adopted a policy grounded in justice and human dignity toward women. Under the Alawi government, women took on active roles and supported the government in various situations, including civil wars. At the same time, some women posed challenges for this government with their incompatible behaviors, requiring Imam Ali's (PBUH) wise management.This research aims to analyze the interaction between the Alawi government and women from a political and social perspective. Its objective is to demonstrate how Alawi policies in the realm of women's rights and their participation in public affairs facilitated a new context for women's roles in the Islamic community.MethodologyThis research employs a descriptive-analytical method, utilizing library resources. With a historical and political perspective, it aims to examine the interaction between women and the Alawi government during the caliphate of Imam Ali (PBUH). The primary question of the article is: how were the interactions between the government and women during the caliphate of the Commander of the Faithful, Ali (PBUH), and how did these policies impact the social and political presence of women? In this regard, the study seeks to analyze the behaviors and decisions of the Alawi government to explore the positive or negative roles of women during this period, as well as the consequences of these interactions.ResultsThe findings of this research indicate that Alawi policies, from the very beginning of Imam Ali's (PBUH) caliphate, were based on justice, dignity, and participation. The presence of women alongside the Alawi government, particularly during political and military crises, exemplifies the positive interaction between women and the government. Women played significant roles in the battles of Jamal and Siffin, both on the battlefield and in supportive roles. The Alawi government directly supported their participation and sought to strengthen the conditions for their engagement in social affairs through the establishment of equitable circumstances.1.Attention to the Right of Bay'ah and Political Participation of Women: Although historical sources do not explicitly mention the taking of allegiance from women at the beginning of Imam Ali's (PBUH) caliphate, there is evidence of their presence at the bay'ah ceremonies. This indicates that Imam Ali (PBUH), like the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), recognized the role of women in political matters.2.Participation of Women in Battles and Jihad Against the Enemies of Islam: In the battles of Jamal and Siffin, women not only served as supporters in the rear but also acted as advisors and spiritual inspirers. Their presence boosted the morale of Alawi forces and weakened the enemy front.3.Opposition to Distortion Movements Led by Influential Women: Imam Ali (PBUH) acted with wisdom and justice against the attempts of certain women to create deviations within the Islamic community and oppose the government. For instance, in the case of the Jamal battle, he made considerable efforts to prevent conflict before it began and dealt wisely with the leaders of this sedition.4.Support and Backing of the Government for Women: The Alawi government was sensitive to supporting women in the community, including the wives of martyrs. Imam Ali (PBUH) personally addressed their issues and was deeply troubled by any negligence in caring for the families of the martyrs.5.Government Support from Women in Society: The popularity of Imam Ali (PBUH) among certain groups of women enabled them to play significant roles in political and military turning points by supporting the government. This support reached a point where, years after Imam Ali's (PBUH) martyrdom, Muawiya summoned some prominent women supporters of the Alawi government to Sham and reproached and punished them.6.Establishment of a Legal System and Emphasis on Equality: Following Islamic teachings and the prophetic tradition, Imam Ali (PBUH) endeavored to restore women's rights in society. He implemented justice equally for all, regardless of gender, and even treated women who were hostile to the government with fairness and compassion.ConclusionThe interaction between women and the Alawi government began with the caliphate of Imam Ali (PBUH) and even before that. Although sources do not explicitly mention women's allegiance to him, evidence indicates that women welcomed the rise of Imam Ali (PBUH) and participated in the bay'ah ceremonies. This presence and interaction continued throughout his governance, prominently manifested during various crises, especially in the imposed wars.Throughout his caliphate, Imam Ali (PBUH) was a supporter of women's rights, diligently pursuing justice for them just as he did for men. His treatment of women was characterized by fairness and prudence, even in instances where they openly opposed the government. A notable example of this is his behavior towards women involved in seditions; in such cases, Imam Ali (PBUH) maintained a focus on mercy and the interests of Islam.The Alawi government served as a safe and secure refuge for women in society, enabling them to easily present their complaints and requests to the caliph. These supportive policies not only created social security but also strengthened positive interactions between the government and women. Ultimately, these interactions reinforced the foundations of the government and enhanced its social influence.In summary, Imam Ali's (PBUH) policies regarding women present a clear model of just and humane governance that can inspire Islamic societies in all eras. The constructive and respectful interaction between the government and women during the Alawi period underscores the significance of justice and human dignity in Imam Ali's (PBUH) political thought.
Women's Studies
Marzieh Shakeri HosseinAbad; zahra nasrollahi
Abstract
AbstractIntroduction: Suicide is an issue related to public health. Although it is done by an individual, not only the conditions of the family and society play a role in creating this behavior, but also after suicide, the family and society are affected by its consequences. The economic, social, and ...
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AbstractIntroduction: Suicide is an issue related to public health. Although it is done by an individual, not only the conditions of the family and society play a role in creating this behavior, but also after suicide, the family and society are affected by its consequences. The economic, social, and family damage caused by this phenomenon has raised it as a concern of policymakers and thinkers in this field. Therefore, the effect of various economic and social factors on suicide has been investigated in numerous studies, but few studies have considered the change in society's conditions toward gender equality in this field. Different views have been proposed regarding the effect of gender equality on suicide. According to the status integration theory, there is a positive relationship between gender equality and suicide due to the conflict of the roles of different statuses, but the supporters of the role expansion theory believe that gender equality leads to the reduction of suicide in society due to the benefits of different roles. Finally, according to convergence theory, there is convergence in gender roles between men and women, as well as stress levels and behaviors, and this in turn leads to convergence in health levels for women and men. Accordingly, women may benefit from the positive effects of role expansion, but it is possible that they may also experience the harmful effects of poor working conditions and face increased stress from longer working hours. While men can benefit from adopting less masculine beliefs and behaviors such as child care. Based on the convergence theory and considering that the probability of men dying due to suicide is higher in most parts of the world, it can be assumed that with the increase in gender equality and convergence in gender roles, the suicide rate of women increases and the suicide rate of men decreases, and the sum of these two effect should be investigated with experimental tests.Method: Due to the different cultural, economic, and social characteristics of each province, it is expected that there is a difference in the relationship between gender equality and suicide. Based on this, this evaluation was carried out separately for Iran's provinces from 2016 to 2022, and the required data was extracted from the sources published by the Statistical Centre of Iran in the form of a library. After calculating the variables of the share of female students in the population of women aged 20–34 years, the ratio of the share of female students to men in the population of the age group 20–34 years, the ratio of the economic participation rate of women to men, the unemployment rate and the divorce rate, panel data regression model is used to evaluate factors affecting suicide.Results: The results of this research indicate that the share of female students in the provinces and gender equality in the participation rate in the labor market had a negative and significant effect on suicide, while the increase in the variables of the ratio of female to male students, unemployment rate and divorce rate have increased the suicide rate in the provinces of Iran during the study period.The findings of this research show that the improvement of the position of women compared to men in accessing higher education facilities can create needs and expectations for women that, if society is not able to respond to them, will cause frustration, despair, and other negative consequences, even to the extent of suicide. On the other hand, this may even play a role in creating psychological pressure on men. This finding supports the status integration theory and is consistent with the results of Mayer's (2000) study, which showed that the rate of suicide increases with increasing gender equality. Despite this, the results of the present research show that the increase in gender equality in economic participation due to the increase in the economic security of the family due to access to more financial resources leads to a decrease in suicide. This finding is consistent with the results of the study by Chen et al. (2024), follows the view of Sieber (1974) and Marks (1977), and supports the role accumulation theory. According to the role expansion theory or role accumulation theory, any additional role given to a person has advantages for him. For example, the entry of women into the labor market leads to an increase in income and a decrease in the level of financial stress in the family. Also, it is expected that with the employment of women and the strengthening of their bonds with colleagues, other members of society, and the expansion of relationships and social support, suicide will decrease. In addition, the increase in unemployment and, as a result, the weakening of the social integration of people, the increase in stress and despair, and the increase in economic problems cause an increase in suicide in society. Also, the findings indicate that the increase in the rate of divorce increases the rate of suicide in the provinces due to mental, physical, economic, social, and family pressures. In other words, provinces with higher divorce rates will experience more suicides.Conclusion: The results of this research indicate the possibility of adjusting the social damage to suicide according to the position of women in society, and it indicates the importance of policymakers' attention to the role of gender equality in various fields, including education and the labor market. In addition, the results of this research show that by increasing job opportunities and reducing unemployment, the rate of suicide can be reduced in the provinces. Also, based on the findings, with society's efforts to create stable family bonds and marriages, the result of which is the cohesion and strengthening of family bonds and the prevention of divorce and family breakups, it can be an effective tool to deal with social harms such as suicide. Based on this, society should spread rational marriages with the aim of stable marriages. Because irrational and unstable marriages lead to social harm, including suicide. In general, any policy can be considered only from a quantitative aspect or enough attention can be paid to the qualitative aspect of that policy. For example, concern about population growth can lead to policies to facilitate marriage. While not paying attention to the quality aspects of marriage can cause more damage to society, unstable marriages that lead to the breakdown of the family and society, in addition to causing depression and the spread of violence such as suicide, foster a hopeless and unhealthy generation. So, in addition to the quantity of marriage, its quality should also be considered. Because unsuccessful marriages will impose costs on society, such as increasing suicides.Keywords: Education, Gender Equality, Labor Market, Iran's Provinces, SuicideJEL Classification: J12, I24, R23
Women's Studies
Nasibeh Esmaeili; Hajieh Bibi Razeghi Nasrabad
Abstract
Examining the Impact of Gender Division of Labor at Home on Women's Reproductive Behavior Using Agent-Based SimulationIntroduction:Iran’s fertility has declined to a below-replacement level since the early 2000s (Abbasi-Shavazi et al., 2009; McDonald et al., 2015). The country’s population ...
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Examining the Impact of Gender Division of Labor at Home on Women's Reproductive Behavior Using Agent-Based SimulationIntroduction:Iran’s fertility has declined to a below-replacement level since the early 2000s (Abbasi-Shavazi et al., 2009; McDonald et al., 2015). The country’s population growth rate has decreased from a peak of 3.9 percent during 1976-1986 to around 0.7 per annum in recent years (Fathi, 2021). The total fertility rate (TFR) dropped from approximately 7 children per woman in 1986 to below the replacement level by 2006. Currently, the national TFR stands at 1.74 children per woman (Fathi et al., 2021). Notably, Tehran province reached a fertility rate below the replacement level four years earlier than the national average, with its current TFR being approximately 1.43 children per woman, which is lower than the national average (Fathi et al., 2021). Numerous studies have been conducted to address the issue of fertility reduction, highlighting the role of the gender division of labor at home as a significant factor influencing women's reproductive behavior (Razaghi - Nasrabad et al., 2021; Khalajabadi -Farahani, 2016; Dorahaki and Nobakht, 2019). Therefore, the present study aims to predict the trend of the TFR in Tehran province through 2029 using an agent-based modeling tool. Additionally, it will explore two scenarios: one that examines an increase in participation in the gender division of labor at home and another that focuses on a decrease, predicting their effects on women's fertility behavior.Methodology:The approach taken in this article utilizes the powerful tool of agent-based modeling (ABM) as a new developed intelligent method. This newly developed modeling style can effectively capture the feedback mechanisms between various factors and, unlike traditional mathematical models, it accommodates heterogeneous factors and non-linear relationships. Agent-based modeling facilitates policy analysis by allowing the testing of different policies simultaneously. This enables the implementation of various scenarios as well as social behaviors and reactions which can be analyzed with input from scientific experts (Bijak et al, 2021). The agent-based modeling is the best method to consider the heterogeneity of women at the micro level which leads to more realistic results compared to those of previous studies. It can also be used in similar economic situations for all members of the society at the macro level to establish a link between the micro and macro levels (Billari et al., 2006; Bavel and Grow, 2016). ABM is a suitable method that can help policymakers in realizing their goals by adopting effective and targeted policies. In ABM, fictitious communities can be modeled in software form, and these models can be used as a computational laboratory to analyze theories and policies. The method of ABM with the creation of a connection between micro and macro levels enables the accuracy, purposefulness, and satisfaction of policies by involving the perspective of the micro level in policies (Billari, 2015; Bijak et al, 2021). In this style of modeling, based on the interactions between the agents at the micro level, a set of responses under the title of outputs and behavior is created, which is formed from the aggregation of these outputs at the macro level. Because this modeling pattern starts from the micro level and leads to the macro level, it is called micro-to-macro modeling or bottom-up modeling. The creation of a connection between the micro level and macro level as a considerable property of ABM approach has been addressed by other scholars as reported by (Fent et al., 2013; Baroni et al., 2009). The current research including the model development and data analysis have been conducted in a virtual laboratory. In this space, we will design a more realistic model of the complex low fertility system of Tehran province, emphasizing gender equality and focusing on the variables that influence the increasing and decreasing gender division of labor at home. Based on this model, we will simulate scenarios related to these variables. This study utilized a sub-sample from the 'Iran Fertility Transition Survey' (IFTS) as referenced by Abbasi-Shavazi et al. (2019). The statistical population for the present study comprises all households residing in Tehran province, with a sample size of 784 married women.ResultThe simulation results indicate a significant trend of decreasing fertility in Tehran province over the next ten years. Specifically, it is projected that the TFR in Tehran will fall to 1.06 children by the year 2029. Additionally, simulations were conducted using Any Logic software to explore scenarios involving changes in the division of labor at home concerning gender equality. Findings from the agent-based simulations reveal that a 15% decrease in participation in household labor division could further lower the predicted TFR from 1.06 to 1.03 children in 2029. Conversely, if there is a 15% increase in participation in the division of gendered work at home, the TFR is expected to rise from 1.06 children to 1.09 children in the same year.Conclusion:In the section on suggestions based on the results, it's crucial to highlight that family-friendly initiatives should integrate cultural and social values that encourage men's participation in household responsibilities. This strategy is vital for addressing gender inequality, which is necessary for creating an environment that supports higher fertility rates. One proposed cultural support package, based on extensive research findings, involves establishing independent government institutions dedicated to family support policies. This initiative aims to alleviate the conflict between domestic and work responsibilities for women. For example, introducing paternity leave for fathers during childbirth allows them to be present with their families during critical moments. Additionally, creating affordable and reliable on-site childcare facilities at workplaces for working mothers can significantly ease their burden. By ensuring trustworthy childcare options are available, mothers can focus on their professional responsibilities without the added stress of finding appropriate care for their children. Furthermore, the proposal includes providing additional wages or subsidies from the government for working women to help cover domestic responsibilities. This initiative would enable service personnel to assist with household tasks at least once a month, providing essential support in managing home affairs and allowing women to balance their work and family commitments more effectively.
Political sciences
Alieh Abbasi; mahmoudreza rahbarghazi; Amir Masoud Shahramnia
Abstract
IntroductionThe present study aimed at analyzing and deeply understanding the process of identity formation among women using postmodern feminist approaches based on the grounded theory method in the city of Yasuj. In this study, an attempt will be made to explore the causes, strategies, and consequences ...
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IntroductionThe present study aimed at analyzing and deeply understanding the process of identity formation among women using postmodern feminist approaches based on the grounded theory method in the city of Yasuj. In this study, an attempt will be made to explore the causes, strategies, and consequences of a phenomenon called "the formation of women's identity within traditional contexts."Research MethodThe qualitative research design was employed for this study. In this study, a qualitative research methodology was based on the classic version of the grounded theory by Strauss and Corbin (2015). Data collection was through semi-structured interviews with 27 women living in the city of Yasuj. Data analysis to develop contextual concepts from the interview data was done through open, axial, and selective coding. The accuracy of the data was determined by the participant review and comparison with related theoretical sources. Lastly, the focused codes and the core code were found through the data analysis regarding the formation of identity in women.Conclusion The findings of research illustrate that in the level of causal conditions, women's identity formation is rooted in hegemonic patriarchy, gender othering, and religious authoritative discourse. For Foucault (1978), such discourses of power and social surveillance hold tremendous significance as agents in shaping women's identities. It is through the process of social reproduction that such discourses have managed to instill patriarchal roles and norms onto women, which have implications for curbing choices in career and educational pathways. Lacan further moves to show that women, in interaction with structures of symbolization, remain incomplete in identity—a constant state—that through a system defining them as the "Other," their sense of self is molded and they remain wanting. In contextual conditions, the normative discursive system and symbolic religious order support Apollonian gender roles through family and religion. Butler (2011) claims that the gender identity of women is reproduced by the norms being performed. Such performances get shaped within the framework of gendered embodiment and hegemonic dress code where women's bodies serve as sites of social and cultural surveillance in society. It is in this system where they also experience a family structure based on gender, which makes them fit into the latter roles enjoyed in the family. Among intervening processes, institutional gender discrimination and normative deterrence act as barriers to realize the modern identities by women. Within intra-family power relations as well as patriarchal capitalism, the same is considered distinguishing toward preservation of traditional roles and economic constraints on the woman. This would also lead to bodily control, whereby social and economic institutions monitor the bodies and identities of women and further limit their access to independence and autonomy.The data show that women in Yasuj developed two main strategies in response to the studied phenomenon: acceptance or resistance. In the acceptance strategy, influenced by traditional and hegemonic discourses, women accept imposed gender roles, likely due to internalizing social and religious norms reinforced by institutions like family and religion. According to Foucault (1978) and Butler (2011), this acceptance unintentionally reproduces power structures, as women legitimize social control over their bodies and identities. Women may feel pressured to pursue education or employment while also facing traditional family responsibilities imposed by society. Resistance, on the other hand, involves women, as conscious agents aware of oppressive discourses, striving to reframe their identities and challenge imposed sex-based roles. This can manifest through opposing forced marriages, seeking economic and educational independence, or building independent identities via social media. From a postmodernist viewpoint, such resistance directly challenges patriarchal power mechanisms and works to alter dominant discourses and reshape women's identities. Acts of defiance, like rejecting dress codes or refusing educational and employment limitations, symbolically allow women to critique existing structures and create new narratives.Finally, the results expose that the identity formations among women can be viewed as resulting in three kinds of outcomes: negative, mixed, and positive. In negative outcomes, power discourse and social surveillance are used as tools for the purposes of controlling women. According to Foucault (1978), power over bodies and identities of women is wielded through apparatuses of social institutions. Institutions like family and religion force women to adhere to gender roles and control their activities through monitoring mechanisms. The autonomy lost within this structure is a direct consequence of social surveillance and cultural pressures. According to Butler (2011), the female body becomes a playground to exert one's power, eliminating all regular decision-making processes for women in career perspectives as well as personal lives. But this is achieved through internalization, wherein women unconsciously internalize such social norms that have been influenced by power discourses and thus simply accept their restrictive roles. Through the theory of subjectivity developed by Lacan, these norms are internalized in identity/women and become part of their nature, whence they start acting as if these limitations were natural and unchangeable.In the mixed outcomes, the discourse of resistance and acceptance comes forth as one of the central issues in describing a process in which women find themselves at the juncture of accepting traditional norms while resisting them. Butler (2011) frames this struggle symbolically as a struggle about possession of women's bodies, whereby their bodies become a site of reproduction and opposition to these norms. Herein lies a duality of roles: women are situated in a dual space between family and society. The former expects them to continue with traditional family roles, while the latter presses them to assume more modern roles in the public sphere. It is this identity conflict that arises out of the patriarchal and post-colonial pressures which leads to deeper identity tensions. From Foucault's 1978 perspective, this can be understood as thus, a sort of pulling between the subject and the social order whereby the female subject is multiplied since she has internalized the social norms, and at the same time she is trying to emancipate herself from expected standards. This leads to an endless pull between the self and social order.Identity and embodiment reconstruction in positive outcomes from a place of change: women get their identity and independently make reconstructions against the confining discourses. While Butler (2011) and Foucault (1978) recognize that women's bodies are used as arenas to duplicate social norms, they equally emphasize these can also turn into spaces of resistance and redefinition of identities. It is this resistive force that further develops the cuerpo in reformulating their bodies and identities anew, free from such discourses. This process also leads to the development of resistance against dominant discourses. In this case, women support an additional view of independence and find new ways towards progress and autonomy by refusing and challenging social and traditional norms. This kind of resistance will lead to bodily autonomy and control whereby, through challenging and rebelling against the patriarchal structures of power, women regain their bodies and behaviors and achieve economic and personal independence as a way of showing resistance to social order and institutional control.
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