Reza Hemmati; Mahsa Shoeibi
Abstract
IntroductionGlobal norms, such as the Beijing Platform and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, unequivocally affirm women's equal right to political participation at all levels of governance. Nevertheless, a substantial gap remains between this recognition and its practical implementation. ...
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IntroductionGlobal norms, such as the Beijing Platform and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, unequivocally affirm women's equal right to political participation at all levels of governance. Nevertheless, a substantial gap remains between this recognition and its practical implementation. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite significant advancements in women's education, a combination of structural, normative, and institutional constraints has severely limited women's political presence. Women hold only about 4% of parliamentary seats and a mere 1% of seats in Islamic City and Village Councils. These councils represent one of the few arenas with relatively broader access; however, even here, women's participation remains numerically marginal and qualitatively challenged. For instance, in Isfahan Province, women held only 9-14% of council seats in recent electoral cycles. This study argues that the obstacles for women are not confined to gaining entry but extend critically into the post-entry phase. The central thesis is that after securing a seat, women council members face a complex array of challenges that directly impact their effectiveness, the quality of their representation, and their political longevity. While international scholarship on gender and local government is robust, Iranian research has primarily focused on the general efficiency or institutional challenges of the councils themselves, leaving a significant gap in understanding the lived experiences of women within these political spaces. This research addresses that gap by asking: What specific challenges do women face after entering Islamic City Councils, how do they react to them, and what strategies do they employ to navigate and survive?MethodologyThis study used a descriptive qualitative methodology grounded in a naturalistic approach to examine the phenomenon within its authentic context. Data were collected through 17 in-person, semi-structured interviews with female members of Isfahan Province's Islamic City Councils who each had at least one term of experience. Purposive sampling was used and continued until theoretical saturation was reached. The interviews, which lasted from 54 to 102 minutes, were recorded, transcribed verbatim (resulting in 163 pages of text), and analyzed using an inductive thematic analysis approach following Braun and Clarke's (2006) framework. This process involved immersion in the data, systematic coding using MAXQDA software, and collaborative theme development among the researchers. Trustworthiness was ensured by applying Lincoln and Guba's (1985) criteria, including credibility, dependability, transferability, and confirmability. Strict ethical protocols were rigorously followed.FindingsThe analysis identified four central themes that capture the post-entry experiences of women councilors. First, The Council as a challenging field describes the challenging, male-dominated environment where women encounter systematic marginalization, symbolic aggression, and deliberate attempts to undermine their legitimacy. Navigating this terrain involves complex interactions with both supportive and obstructive male colleagues, as well as with other female members. Second, Confronting Institutional Pressures and Reliance on Support Networks highlights the "double duty" challenge of balancing domestic responsibilities with intense council work, the persistent need to demonstrate competence against higher standards, and the paradoxical yet vital support from immediate families, which often acts as a critical buffer against societal pressures. Third, Strategic Navigation through Adaptation and Resistance reveals a spectrum of coping strategies. These range from passive adaptation, such as consciously avoiding certain roles or adopting masculine traits, to active resistance, including direct confrontation, strategic networking with external power brokers, and continuous self-empowerment through learning. Finally, Bringing Women from the Margins to the Center details their substantive efforts to advocate for women-friendly policies, break down gender stereotypes through symbolic actions, and soften the masculine political culture, despite facing internalized barriers among other women.ComclusionThis study provides compelling evidence that Islamic City Councils in Iran function as deeply gendered organizations, where the interplay of formal rules and powerful informal patriarchal norms creates a significant "after-entry" barrier for women. The findings strongly align with feminist institutionalist theory, demonstrating how institutions historically shaped by male participation are not neutral but actively perpetuate gender inequality through their daily routines, cultural codes, and patterns of interaction. The experiences of female councilors—from having their authority routinely questioned to being burdened with a double duty—are not isolated incidents but are systematic outcomes of an institutional logic that is profoundly incompatible with women's lives and leadership styles.The strategic navigation employed by women reveals a central paradox inherent in their political agency. The most frequently adopted strategies, such as using "soft power," building consensus, and focusing on practical gender needs, are rational and often effective for securing small wins, building necessary alliances, and ensuring political survival. Soft power allows them to maneuver within the existing structure without provoking overt backlash, while addressing practical needs (e.g., creating women's parks or maternal health services) delivers tangible benefits and builds their credibility as effective representatives. However, this study concludes that these necessary strategies carry a significant long-term cost: they risk legitimizing and reinforcing the very structures of exclusion they are trying to navigate. By adapting to the masculine environment rather than fundamentally challenging it, and by focusing on policies that manage the symptoms of inequality rather than its root causes, the transformative potential of women's political presence is ultimately constrained.Therefore, the central conclusion of this research is that increasing the descriptive representation of women, while a necessary first step, is insufficient for achieving substantive political change. The Iranian context demonstrates that a critical mass of women in office does not automatically lead to a critical shift in power dynamics. For women's participation to be truly transformative, it must be coupled with a deliberate and simultaneous effort to dismantle the institutional pillars of male dominance. This requires more than just training women to be more resilient; it demands concrete institutional reforms. Key recommendations include the formalization of gender quotas for leadership positions within the councils, the establishment of units within municipal structures to conduct gender-impact analyses of all policies and budgets, and the reform of informal recruitment and networking practices that systematically exclude women. Without such targeted interventions that directly confront the institutional status quo, women in local governance will remain trapped in a cycle of navigating a rocky path, their energy depleted by adaptation, and their potential for driving genuine, feminist change will remain largely untapped. The path forward must involve not only preparing women for politics but, more importantly, reforming politics for women.
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